P. W. Botha

P. W. Botha   (politician)
P. W. Botha making his "Rubicon" speech in 1985
Born	Pieter Willem Botha 1916-01-12 Paul Roux, Orange Free State Province, South Africa
Died	2006-10-31 (Age 90) Wilderness, Western Cape, South Africa
Nationality	South African
Alma mater	Grey University College
Religion	Dutch Reformed
Children	• Rossouw Pieter Willem • Elanza Amelia • Rozanne
Spouse	Elize Botha
Member of	Afrikaner Broederbond
Party	National Party
South African politician  South Africa/President  In office 1984-09-14 - 1989-08-15  South Africa/Prime Minister  In office 1978-10-09 - 1984-09-14  South Africa/Minister of Defence In office 1966 - October 1980

Not to be confused with his (unrelated) Minister of Foreign Affairs, Pik Botha.

Pieter Willem "P. W." Botha, was the Prime Minister of South Africa from 1978 to 1984 and the first executive State President of South Africa from 1984 to 1989.

Elected to Parliament in 1948, Botha was for eleven years head of the Afrikaner National Party and the South African government. Although a fierce opponent of black majority rule and Communism, his government did make concessions towards political reform, whereas internal unrest saw widespread human rights abuses at the hands of the government as well as the militant opposition.

President Botha resigned the party leadership in February 1989 after suffering a mild stroke and six months later had to cede the presidency to F W de Klerk.

In early 1998, when P W Botha refused to testify at the Nelson Mandela government's Truth and Reconciliation Commission, he was supported by the right-wing Conservative Party, which had earlier contested his rule, in his refusal and was fined and given a suspended jail sentence later that year.

Shortly before his death in late 2006, Botha renewed his opposition towards egalitarian democracy in favour of a confederate system based upon the principles of apartheid.

Early life

Pieter Willem Botha was born on a farm in the Paul Roux district of the Orange Free State Province, the son of Afrikaner parents. His father, Pieter Willem Botha, fought as a commando against the British in the Second Boer War. His mother, Hendrina Christina Botha (born de Wet), was interned in a British concentration camp during the war. He was a descendant of an Indian slave woman, Catharina van Bengale.

Botha initially attended the Paul Roux School and matriculated from Voortrekker Secondary School in Bethlehem, South Africa. In 1934, he entered the Grey University College (now the University of the Free State) in Bloemfontein to study law, but left early at the age of twenty in order to pursue a career in politics. He began working for the National Party as a political organiser in the neighbouring Cape Province. In the run-up to World War II, Botha joined the Ossewabrandwag, a right-wing Afrikaner nationalist group which was sympathetic to the German Nazi Party. However, with Allied victory looming in Europe, Botha condemned the Ossewabrandwag and changed his ideological alleigance to Christian nationalism instead.

In 1943, Botha married Anna Elizabeth Rossouw (Elize). The couple had two sons and three daughters.

Parliamentary career

Age 30, Botha was elected head of the National Party Youth in 1946, and two years later won a race for the House of Assembly as representative of George, in the southern Cape Province in the general election which saw the beginning of the National Party's 46-year tenure in power. In 1958 Botha was appointed Deputy Minister of Internal Affairs by Hendrik Verwoerd, and in 1961 advanced to Minister of Coloured Affairs. He was appointed Minister for Defence upon Verwoerd's murder by his successor B. J. Vorster in 1966. Under his 14 years as its leader, the South African Defence Force reached a zenith, at times consuming 20% of the national budget, compared to 1,3% in 2009, and was involved in the South African Border War. When Vorster resigned following allegations of his involvement in the Muldergate Scandal in 1978, Botha was elected as his successor by the National Party caucus, besting the electorate's favourite, 45-year old Foreign Minister Pik Botha. In the final internal ballot, he beat Connie Mulder, the scandal's namesake, in a 78–72 vote.

Though generally considered a conservative, Botha was also seen as far more pragmatic than his predecessor. He was keen to promote constitutional reform, and hoped to implement a form of federal system in South Africa that would allow for greater "self-rule" for black homelands (or Bantustans), while still retaining the supremacy of a white central government, and foremost expand the rights of Coloureds (South Africans of mixed ancestry) and Asians in order to widen support for the government. Upon enacting the reforms, he remarked in the House of Assembly: "We must adapt or die."

On becoming head of the government, Botha retained the defence portfolio until October 1980, when he appointed chief of the South African Defence Force, General Magnus Malan, his successor. From his ascension to the cabinet, Botha pursued an ambitious military policy designed to increase South Africa's military capability. He sought to improve relations with the West – especially the United States – but with mixed results. He argued that the preservation of the apartheid government, though unpopular, was crucial to stemming the tide of African Communism, which had made in-roads into neighbouring Angola and Mozambique after these two former Portuguese colonies obtained independence.

As Prime Minister and later State President, his greatest parliamentary opponents were Harry Schwarz and Helen Suzman of the Progressive Federal Party until 1987, when his former cabinet colleague Andries Treurnicht's new Conservative Party became the official opposition on a strictly anti-concessionist agenda.

In 1977, as Minister of Defence he began a secret nuclear weapons program, which culminated in the production of six nuclear bombs destroyed only in the early 1990s. He remained steadfast in South Africa's administration of the neighbouring territory South-West Africa, particularly while there was a presence of Cuban troops in Angola to the north. Botha was responsible for introducing the notorious police counter-insurgency unit, Koevoet. He was also instrumental in building the South African Defence Force's strength. Adding momentum to establishing units such as 32 Battalion. South African intervention in support of the rebel UNITA (Dr Jonas Savimbi, a personal friend) movement in the Angolan Civil War continued until the late 1980s, terminating with the Tripartite Accord of 22 December 1988. To maintain the nation's military strength, a very strict draft was implemented to enforce compulsory military service for white South African men.

State President

In 1983 Botha proposed a new constitution, which was then put to a vote of the white population. Though it did not implement a federal system, it created two new houses of parliament, one for Coloureds (House of Representatives) and one for Indians (House of Delegates), along with that for whites-only (House of Assembly). The new Tricameral Parliament theoretically had equal legislative powers but the laws each new house passed were effective solely in its own community. Control of the country was maintained by the white House of Assembly.

The plan included no chamber or system of representation for the black majority. Black South Africans were expected to exercise their political rights within the context of the Bantustans. Each Black ethno-linguistic group was allocated a 'homeland' which would initially be a semi-autonomous area. Bantustans were expected to gradually move towards a greater state of independence with sovereign nation status being the final goal. During Botha's tenure Ciskei, Bophutatswana and Venda all achieved nominal nationhood. These new countries set up within the borders of South Africa never gained international recognition.

The new constitution also changed the executive branch, abolishing the post of prime minister. Instead, the role of head of government would be combined with that of head of state to create a strong, executive presidency with expanded powers. The presidency and cabinet had sole jurisdiction over areas deemed to be of "national" responsibility, such as foreign policy and race relations. Though the new constitution was criticised by the black majority for failing to grant them any formal role in government, many international commentators praised it as a "first step" in what was assumed to be a series of reforms. On 14 September 1984, Botha was elected as the first State President of South Africa under the newly approved constitution.

Implementing the presidential system was seen as a key step in consolidating Botha's personal power. In previous years he had succeeded in getting a number of strict laws that limited freedom of speech through parliament, and thus suppressed criticism of government decisions.

In many western countries, such as the United States, the United Kingdom (where the Anti-Apartheid Movement was based) and the Commonwealth there was much debate over the imposition of economic sanctions in order to weaken Botha and undermine the white regime. By the late 1980s – as foreign investment in South Africa declined – disinvestment began to have a serious effect on the nation's economy.

Apartheid government

In some ways, Botha's application of the apartheid system was less repressive than that of his predecessors: interracial marriage and miscegenation – both completely banned since the late 1940s – was legalised, and the constitutional prohibition on multiracial political parties was lifted. He also relaxed the Group Areas Act, which barred non-whites from living in certain areas. In 1983, the above constitutional reforms granted limited political rights to Coloureds and Indians. Botha also became the first South African government leader to authorise contacts with Nelson Mandela, the imprisoned leader of the African National Congress. However, in the face of rising discontent and violence, Botha refused to cede political power to blacks and imposed greater security measures against anti-apartheid activists. Botha also refused to negotiate with the ANC.

In 1985, Botha delivered a policy address in which he refused to give in to demands by the black population, including the release of Mandela. Botha's defiance of international opinion further isolated South Africa, leading to economic sanctions and a rapid decline in the value of the South African rand. The following year, when the US introduced the Comprehensive Anti-Apartheid Act, Botha declared a nation-wide state of emergency. He is famously quoted during this time as saying, "This uprising will bring out the beast in us".

As economic and diplomatic actions against South Africa increased, civil unrest spread amongst the black population, supported by the ANC and neighbouring black-majority governments. On 16 May 1986, Botha publicly warned neighbouring states against engaging in "unsolicited interference" in South Africa's affairs. Four days later, Botha ordered air strikes against selected targets in Lusaka, Harare, and Gaborone, including the offices of exiled ANC activists. Botha charged that these raids were just a "first instalment" and showed that "South Africa has the capacity and the will to break the African National Congress."

Thousands were detained without trial during Botha's presidency, while others were tortured and killed. The Truth and Reconciliation Commission found Botha responsible for gross violations of human rights. He was also found to have directly authorised 'unlawful activity which included killing.' However, Botha refused to apologise for apartheid. In a 2006 interview to mark his 90th birthday, he suggested that he had no regrets about the way he had run the country. He denied, however, that he had ever considered black South Africans to be in any way inferior to whites, but conceded that "some" whites did hold that view. He also claimed that the apartheid policies were inherited from the British colonial administration in the Eastern Cape and Natal Province, implying that he considered them something he and his government had followed by default.

Lunch with Thatcher

P. W. Botha and Margaret Thatcher at Chequers

On 2 June 1984, British prime minister Margaret Thatcher controversially invited South Africa's prime minister P. W. Botha and foreign minister Pik Botha to a meeting at Chequers in an effort to stave off growing international pressure for the imposition of economic sanctions against South Africa, where both the US and Britain had invested heavily. Although not officially on the meeting's agenda, the Coventry Four affair clouded both the proceedings at Chequers and Britain's bilateral diplomatic relations with South Africa.

On 5 June 1984, Margaret Thatcher made a lengthy statement in the House of Commons about the visit to Chequers by the two Bothas, but she omitted any mention of the Coventry Four affair:

We had over five hours of discussions. I was accompanied by my right hon. and learned Friend the Foreign Secretary (Geoffrey Howe) and my hon. Friend the Member for Edinburgh, Pentlands (Mr Rifkind), the Minister of State. The meeting was a working one, and the discussions were comprehensive and candid. They covered the problems of southern Africa as a whole, including Namibia. There was considerable discussion of the internal situation in South Africa.

I made clear to Mr Botha our desire to see peaceful solutions to all the region's problems. On Namibia, we agreed that early independence for Namibia was desirable and should be achieved as soon as possible under peaceful conditions. We also agreed that all foreign forces should be withdrawn from the countries in southern Africa so that their peoples can settle their destinies without outside interference.

The withdrawal of South African forces from Angola is an important first step in this process.

On the internal situation in South Africa, I expressed our strongly-held views on apartheid. I told Mr Botha of my particular concern at the practice of forced removals and raised the question of the continued detention of Mr Nelson Mandela. Mr Botha gave me an account of his government's recent constitutional measures and of the appointment of a Cabinet committee to make proposals for the political future of the black population outside the homelands.

I believe that the South African Prime Minister now understands much more clearly where Her Majesty's Government stand on all the major issues. My talks with Mr Botha are part of the process through which we and other western and African countries must continue to press for the sort of changes that we all want to see in southern Africa.

Lockerbie and Botha's downfall

State President Botha's downfall can be directly attributed to decisions taken at the Ronald Reagan/Mikhail Gorbachev summit of the leaders of the United States and the Soviet Union in Moscow (29 May – 1 June 1988) that paved the way to resolving the problem of Namibia which, according to foreign minister Pik Botha, was destabilising the region and "seriously complicating" the major issue which South Africa itself would shortly have to face. Soviet military aid would cease and Cuban troops be withdrawn from Angola as soon as South Africa complied with UN Security Council Resolution 435 by relinquishing control of Namibia and allowing UN-supervised elections there.

UN Commissioner for Namibia, Bernt Carlsson, was targeted and killed by the apartheid regime on Pan Am Flight 103 of 21 December 1988 on his way to the signing ceremony of the Namibian Independence Agreement at UN headquarters. In Bernt Carlsson's absence, the Tripartite Accord, which gave effect to the Reagan/Gorbachev summit decisions, was signed at United Nations headquarters in New York on 22 December 1988 by representatives of Angola, Cuba and South Africa. In a 2011 article entitled "Lockerbie: Ayatollah's Vengeance Exacted by Botha's Regime", former diplomat Patrick Haseldine alleged that operatives of the apartheid regime's Civil Cooperation Bureau cut the padlock on security door CP2 at Heathrow airport, leading to the Pan Am baggage area, and planted the suitcase bomb which sabotaged Clipper Maid of the Seas over Lockerbie on 21 December 1988.

On 18 January 1989, Botha (then aged 73) suffered a mild stroke which prevented him from attending a meeting with Namibian political leaders on 20 January 1989. Botha's place was taken by acting president, J. Christiaan Heunis. On 2 February 1989, Botha resigned as leader of the National Party (NP) anticipating his nominee – finance minister Barend du Plessis – would succeed him. Instead, the NP's parliamentary caucus selected as leader education minister F W de Klerk, who moved quickly to consolidate his position within the party. In March 1989, the NP elected de Klerk as state president but Botha refused to resign, saying in a television address that the constitution entitled him to remain in office until March 1990 and that he was even considering running for another five-year term. Following a series of acrimonious meetings in Cape Town, and five days after UNSCR 435 was implemented in Namibia on 1 April 1989, Botha and de Klerk reached a compromise: Botha would retire after the parliamentary elections in September, allowing F W de Klerk to take over as president.

However, Botha resigned from the state presidency abruptly on 14 August 1989 complaining that he had not been consulted by de Klerk over his scheduled visit to see president Kenneth Kaunda of Zambia:

"The ANC is enjoying the protection of president Kaunda and is planning insurgency activities against South Africa from Lusaka," Botha declared on nationwide television. He said he had asked the cabinet what reason he should give the public for abruptly leaving office. "They replied I could use my health as an excuse. To this, I replied that I am not prepared to leave on a lie. It is evident to me that after all these years of my best efforts for the National Party and for the government of this country, as well as the security of our country, I am being ignored by ministers serving in my cabinet."

F W de Klerk was sworn in as acting state president on 14 August 1989 and the following month was nominated by the electoral college to succeed Botha in a five-year term as state president. Within months of the collapse of the Berlin Wall, de Klerk had announced the legalisation of anti-apartheid groups – including the African National Congress – and the release of Nelson Mandela. De Klerk's rule saw the dismantling of the apartheid system and negotiations that eventually led to South Africa's first racially inclusive democratic elections on 27 April 1994.

Retirement

P W Botha and his wife Elize retired to their home, Die Anker, in the town of Wilderness, close to the city of George, Western Cape. His wife Elize died in 1997, and he later married Barbara Robertson, a legal secretary 25 years his junior, on 22 June 1998.

Botha remained largely out of sight of the media and it was widely believed that he remained opposed to many of F W de Klerk's reforms.

Botha refused to testify at the new government's Truth and Reconciliation Commission for exposing apartheid-era crimes, which was chaired by his cultural and political nemesis, Archbishop Desmond Tutu. The TRC found that he had ordered the bombing of the South African Council of Churches headquarters in Johannesburg. In August 1998 he was fined and given a suspended jail sentence for his refusal to testify in relation to human rights violations and the violence sanctioned by the State Security Council (SSC) which he, as president until 1989, had directed. In June 1999 Botha successfully appealed to the High Court against his conviction and sentence. The Court found that the notice served on Botha to appear before the Commission was technically invalid.

Death

P W Botha died of a heart attack at his home in Wilderness on Tuesday 31 October 2006, aged 90.

His death was met with magnanimity by many of his former opponents. Former President Nelson Mandela was reported as saying "while to many Mr Botha will remain a symbol of apartheid, we also remember him for the steps he took to pave the way towards the eventual peacefully negotiated settlement in our country." President Thabo Mbeki announced that flags would be flown at half staff, to mark the death of a former head of state. The offer of a state funeral was declined by Botha's family, and a private funeral was held on 8 November in the town of George where Botha was buried. Mbeki, who had lost a brother, a son and a cousin during apartheid, attended the funeral.

Obituary

Concluding a long obituary in The Guardian of 2 November 2006, Dan van der Vat wrote:

The revelations of the depths to which the apartheid regime had sunk under Botha continued, including government research in the early 1980s aimed at finding chemical and biological agents that worked only against blacks. Although its two-year mandate expired before it could get to the bottom of this, the Truth and Reconciliation Commission got wind of the research in its final weeks. It was already known to western drug companies and intelligence services - which kept silent, their only concern apparently being to stop the results being passed to the ANC when it took over government.

In a rare public statement during his 1998 court battle, an unreconstructed Botha showed his customary obduracy:

"I stand with all those who executed lawful government commands in our struggle against the revolutionary communist onslaught against our country ... I am not prepared to apologise for actions which I took to remove (sic) racial discrimination in this country [or] for lawful actions of my government in its struggle to curb the violent onslaught."

The jibbering, trembling 'Great Crocodile', exposed at last as one of the worst tyrants of a bloodsoaked century, had clearly learned nothing and forgotten nothing.

South Africa's post-apartheid constitution provides for a state funeral for former presidents. Those familiar with Botha's character and political record may view this as a bitter irony. His second wife and five children survive him.

In a statement on the death of former state president P W Botha in 2006, F W de Klerk said:

"Personally, my relationship with P W Botha was often strained. I did not like his overbearing leadership style and was opposed to the intrusion of the State Security Council system into virtually every facet of government. After I became leader of the National Party in February 1989 I did my best to ensure that P W Botha would be able to end his term as president with full dignity and decorum. Unfortunately, this was not to be."

Further reading

• Botha's last interview before he died
• The Mandela Document, dated prior to Mandela's release
• "Fighter and Reformer: Extracts from the Speeches of P. W. Botha", Compiled by J.J.J. Scholtz, Published: Bureau for Information, Pretoria, 1989
• The life and times of PW Botha – IOL
• PW, Tambo 'partners in peace' – News24
• 'He was my bread and botha' (By artists) – Mail&Guardian
• Zuma on PW: 'He saw the need for change' – Mail&Guardian
• Thabo Mbeki on PW – Moneyweb

 

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References

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