Abbas Araghchi

Abbas Araghchi   ( diplomat,  politician)
Born	1960  Tehran
Nationality	Iranian
Alma mater	•  Islamic Azad University •  University of Kent
Children	•  Saeideh Sadat •  Seyed Hossein •  Seyed Reza
Iranian diplomat and politician  Minister of Foreign Affairs of Iran In office August 2024 - Present  Iran/Ambassador/Japan Dates unknown  Iran/Ambassador/Finland Dates unknown

Sayyid Abbas Araghchi is an Iranian diplomat and politician, who is the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Iran since August 2024. Previously he was the MFA spokesperson, and ambassador to Finland and Japan.

Education

Abbas Araghchi earned his Bachelor's degree in International Relations from the School of International Relations, affiliated with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. He then obtained a Master's degree in Political Science from Islamic Azad University, Central Tehran Branch. Additionally, Araghchi holds a Doctorate in Political Thought from the University of Kent.

Career

Araghchi entered the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Iran in 1989. In early 1990s, he was chargé d'affaires of the Permanent Mission of the Islamic Republic of Iran to the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation, based in Jeddah, Saudi Arabia.

Prior to becoming Ambassador, Araghchi served as Director General of the Institute for Political and International Studies (IPIS). From 2004 to 2005, he was chancellor of School of International Relations.

He served as ambassador to Finland (1999–2003) and Japan (2007–2011).

He served as a former political deputy at the foreign ministry from 2017 to 2021. He previously held office as the Deputy for Asia–Pacific and the Commonwealth Affairs and Legal and International Affairs of the foreign ministry. He served as Iran's chief nuclear negotiator in talks with the P5+1, in Hassan Rouhani's government.

Minister of Foreign Affairs

Abbas Araghchi was nominated by newly-inaugurated President Masoud Pezeshkian as his foreign minister on 11 August 2024 and eventually became Minister of Foreign Affairs following a vote of confidence by the Islamic Consultative Assembly on 21 August.

Araghchi has expressed support to the Axis of Resistance.

Conflict with Israel

On 1 October 2024, Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi spoke about Iran's bombing of Israel:

"Earlier this evening, we exercised self-defence under Article 51 of the UN Charter, targeting solely military and security sites in charge of genocide in Gaza and Lebanon.

"We did so after exercising tremendous restraint for almost two months, to give room for a ceasefire in Gaza.

"Our action is concluded unless the Israeli regime decides to invite further retaliation. In that scenario, our response will be stronger and more powerful.

"Israel's enablers now have a heightened responsibility to rein in the warmongers in Tel Aviv instead of partaking in their folly."

Warning to US

Araghchi warned the United States against intervening following Iran’s missile strikes on Israel:

“We have … warned the US forces to withdraw from this matter and not to intervene,” Araghchi told state television, adding the message was relayed through the Swiss embassy in Tehran.

Al Jazeera Forum

Speaking at the Al Jazeera Forum in Doha on 7 February 2026, Abbas Araqchi delivered a forceful keynote calling the Gaza crisis “genocide” and criticising Israel’s occupation policies. He emphasised the strategic, humanitarian, and legal dimensions of the Palestinian issue, urging international accountability, sanctions, and coordinated regional action. Araqchi warned that peace and stability depend on ending occupation and respecting international law.

Excellencies, Distinguished colleagues, ladies and gentlemen,

It is a privilege to address you at this distinguished forum and discuss the profound question of our region: Palestine.

Let me begin with a fact that the region has learned through decades of painful experience, and that the world is learning again at a terrible human cost: “Palestine is not one issue among many”.

Palestine is the defining question of justice in West Asia and beyond. It is the strategic and moral compass of our region. It is a test of whether international law has meaning, whether human rights have universal value, and whether global institutions exist to protect the weak—or merely to rationalise the power of the strong.

For generations, the Palestinian crisis was understood primarily as the consequence of an illegal occupation and the denial of an inalienable right: the right of a people to self-determination. But today, we must recognise that the crisis has moved far beyond the parameters of occupation alone. What we are witnessing in Gaza is not merely war. It is not a “conflict” between equal parties. It is not an unfortunate byproduct of security measures. It is the deliberate destruction of civilian life on a massive scale. It is genocide.

The human cost of Israel’s atrocities in Gaza has wounded the conscience of humanity. It has torn open the heart of the Muslim world—and it has also shaken millions beyond it: Christians, Jews, and people of all faiths, who still believe that the life of a child is not a bargaining chip, that starvation is not a weapon, that hospitals are not battlefields, and that the killing of families is not self-defence.

Palestine today is not simply a tragedy; it is a mirror held up to the world. It reflects not only the suffering of Palestinians, but also the moral failure of those who had the power to stop this catastrophe—and chose instead to justify it, enable it, or normalise it.

But Palestine and Gaza is not only a humanitarian crisis. It has become the platform for something larger and more dangerous: an expansionist project pursued under the banner of “security.”

This project has three consequences—each of them profound, each of them alarming:

The first consequence is global. The Israeli regime’s conduct in Palestine, and the impunity granted to it, have deeply damaged the international legal order. We must say this clearly: the world is moving toward a condition where international law no longer is respected and governs international relations.

What is perhaps most dangerous is the precedent being established: that if a state has sufficient political cover and protection, it may bomb civilians, besiege populations, target infrastructure, assassinate individuals across borders, and still demand to be regarded as lawful.

This is not merely a Palestinian problem. It is a global problem.

We are witnessing not only the tragedy of Palestine, but the transformation of the world into a place where the law is replaced by force.

The second consequence is regional. Israel’s expansionist project has had a direct and destabilising impact on the security of all countries in the region.

The Israeli regime now openly violates borders. It breaches sovereignties. It assassinates official dignitaries. It conducts terrorist operations. It expands its reach in multiple theatres. And it does so, not discreetly, but with a sense of entitlement—because it has learned that international accountability will not come.

Let us be candid: if the Gaza issue is “settled” through destruction and forced displacement—if that becomes the model—then the West Bank will be next. Annexation will become policy.

This is the essence of what has long been called the “Greater Israel” project.

The question therefore is not whether Israel’s actions threaten Palestinians alone. The question is whether the region will accept a future in which borders are temporary, sovereignty is conditional, and security is determined not by law or diplomacy, but by the ambitions of a militarised occupier.

The third consequence is structural—and perhaps the most dangerous.

Israel’s expansionist project requires that neighbouring countries be weakened—militarily, technologically, economically, and socially—so that the Israeli regime permanently enjoys the upper hand.

Under this project, Israel is free to expand its military arsenal without limits, including weapons of mass destruction that remain outside any inspection regime. Yet other countries are demanded to disarm. Others are pressured to reduce defensive capacity. Others are punished for scientific progress. Others are sanctioned for building resilience.

Nobody should be confused: This is not arms control. It is not non-proliferation. It is not security.

It is the enforcement of permanent inequality: Israel must have a “military, intelligence and strategic edge,” and others must remain vulnerable. This is a doctrine of domination.

Ladies and gentlemen,

This is why the Palestinian question is not only a humanitarian issue. It is a strategic issue. It is not only about Gaza and the West Bank. It is about the future of our region and the rules of the world.

So what must be done?

It is not enough to express concern. It is not enough to issue statements. It is not enough to mourn. We need a coordinated strategy of action—legal, diplomatic, economic, and security-based—rooted in the principles of international law and collective responsibility.

First, the international community must support legal mechanisms without hesitation.

Second, there must be consequences for violations.

We call for comprehensive and targeted sanctions against Israel, including:

• an immediate arms embargo

• the suspension of military and intelligence cooperation

• restrictions on officials

AND

• banning trade

Third, we need a credible political horizon grounded in law. The international community must affirm:

• the end of occupation

• the right of return and compensation in accordance with international law

AND

• the establishment of a unified and independent Palestinian state with Al-Quds Al-Sharif as its capital

Fourth, the humanitarian crisis must be treated as a matter of urgent international responsibility. Collective punishment must never be normalised.

Fifth, regional states must coordinate to protect sovereignty and deter aggression. The principle must be clear: security cannot be built on the insecurity of others.

AND

Finally, the Islamic world, the Arab world, and the nations of the Global South must build a united diplomatic front.

The Organisation of Islamic Cooperation, the Arab League, and regional organisations must move beyond symbolism toward coordinated action: legal support, diplomatic initiatives, economic measures, and strategic messaging.

This is not about confrontation. It is about preventing the region from being reshaped by force.

Dear colleagues,

Let no one miscalculate: a region cannot be kept stable by allowing one actor to act above the law. The doctrine of impunity will not produce peace; it will produce wider conflict.

The path to stability is clear: justice for Palestine, accountability for crimes, an end to occupation and apartheid, and a regional order built on sovereignty, equality, and cooperation.

If the world wants peace, it must stop rewarding aggression.

If the world wants stability, it must stop enabling expansionism.

If the world believes in international law, it must enforce it—consistently and without double standards.

And if the nations of this region seek a future free from perpetual war, they must recognise this fundamental truth:

Palestine is not merely a cause for solidarity; it is the indispensable cornerstone of regional security.

Thank you.

7 February 2026

Eight decades with full impunity

Israeli regime's eight decades of crime with full impunity

On 17 February 2026, after participating in the US–Iran talks in Geneva, Araghchi called out Israel’s eight decades of crime:

“The Israeli regime has been committing the most atrocious crimes for the past eight decades with full impunity, unfortunately.

"In less than two years, Israel has attacked seven countries in the region, while more than 70,000 people have been massacred in Gaza as part of its colonial genocide.

"There is no crime it has not committed, and no red line it has not crossed.”

Iran retaliates

On 1 March 2026, following further unprovoked aggression by the US and Israel and after Iran retaliated by attacking US military bases in neighbouring countries, Araghchi said:

"Some of our neighbours are angry... I wish they understood that what is going on in the region is not our fault.

"If they are angry, they should be angry at the United States and Israel."

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References

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