Global Commission on the Stability of Cyberspace

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Group.png Global Commission on the Stability of Cyberspace TwitterRdf-entity.pngRdf-icon.png
Global Commission on the Stability of Cyberspace.png
Typethink-tank
Interestscyberwar, internet
Membership• Michael Chertoff
• Latha Reddy
• Marina Kaljurand
• Motohiro Tsuchiya
• Joseph Nye
• Christopher Painter
• Ilya Sachkov
• Jeff Moss
• Khoo Boon Hui
• Anriette Esterhuysen
• Xiaodong Lee
• Abdul-Hakeem Ajijola
• Virgilio Almeida
• Marietje Schaake
• Bill Woodcock
• Wolfgang Kleinwächter
• Scott Charney
• Elina Noor
• Isaac Ben-Israel
• Jonathan Zittrain
• Nigel Inkster
• Jane Holl Lute
• Samir Saran
• Frédérick Douzet
• Olaf Kolkman
• James Andrew Lewis
• Uri Rosenthal
• William Saito
• Wolff Heintschel von Heinegg
• Sigrid Kaag
• Hugo Zylberberg
• Sean Kanuck
• Koichiro Komiyama
• Marília Maciel
• Liis Vihul
• Zhang Li
• Vint Cerf
• Sorin Ducaru
• Martha Finnemore
• Carl Bildt
• Alexander Klimburg
• Bruce McConnell
• Louk Faesen
• Anneleen Roggeman
Small but influential think-tank for internet coordination

The Global Commission on the Stability of Cyberspace (GCSC) is helping to promote mutual awareness and understanding among the various cyberspace communities working on issues related to international cybersecurity.

8 norms

In 2019, it presented 8 norms for acceptable internet behavior.[1][2]

  • Norm 1 is non-interference with the public core of the Internet. State and non-state actors should neither conduct nor knowingly allow activity that intentionally and substantially damages the general availability or integrity of the public core of the Internet, and therefore the stability of cyberspace.
  • Norm 2 is to protect the electoral infrastructure. State and non-state actors must not pursue, support or allow cyber operations intended to disrupt the technical infrastructure essential to elections, referenda or plebiscites.
  • Norm 3 is to avoid tampering. State and non-state actors should not tamper with products and services in development and production, nor allow them to be tampered with, if doing so may substantially impair the stability of cyberspace.
  • Norm 4 against commandeering of ICT devices into Botnets. State and non-state actors should not commandeer the general public’s ICT resources for use as botnets or for similar purposes.
  • Norm 5 For states to create a vulnerabilities equities process.States should create procedurally transparent frameworks to assess whether and when to disclose not publicly known vulnerabilities or flaws they are aware of in information systems and technologies. The default presumption should be in favor of disclosure.
  • Norm 6 To reduce and mitigate significant vulnerabilities.Developers and producers of products and services on which the stability of cyberspace depends should (1) prioritize security and stability, (2) take reasonable steps to ensure that their products or services are free from significant vulnerabilities, and (3) take measures to timely mitigate vulnerabilities that are later discovered and to be transparent about their process. All actors have a duty to share information on vulnerabilities in order to help prevent or mitigate malicious cyber activity.
  • Norm 7 on basic cyber hygiene as foundational defense.States should enact appropriate measures, including laws and regulations, to ensure basic cyber hygiene.
  • Norm 8 against offensive cyber operations by non-state actors.Non-state actors should not engage in offensive cyber operations and state actors should prevent such activities and respond if they occur.

NATO

Despite its international character, with members from China, Russia and India etc, it is noticeably dominated by NATO; the leader is Homeland Security Czar Michael Chertoff, it is founded by the Hague Centre for Strategic Studies and having people from the Netherlands and Estonia, two of the most active NATO-members in creating and spreading propaganda and cyber operations, in prominent positions. And Carl Bildt is a special advisor.


Funders

The Commission is initiated by two think tanks, The Hague Centre for Strategic Studies (HCSS) and the EastWest Institute (EWI).

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References