Alberto Nisman

Alberto Nisman   (lawyer, spook, deep state functionary)
Born	Natalio Alberto Nisman 1963-12-05 Buenos Aires, Argentina
Died	2015-01-18 (Age 51) Buenos Aires, Argentina
Cause of death	gunshot
Nationality	Argentine
Victim of	premature death
Argentinian lawyer and CIA/Mossad collaborator who was murdered the day before delivering report on the 1994 car bombing of the Jewish center in Buenos Aires.

Natalio Alberto Nisman was an Argentine lawyer who worked as a federal prosecutor, noted for being the chief investigator of the 1994 car bombing of the Jewish center in Buenos Aires, which killed 85 people, the worst terrorist attack in Argentina's history. On 18 January 2015, Nisman was murdered at his home in Buenos Aires, one day before he was scheduled to report on his findings.

The story heavily promoted by corporate media is that his findings supposedly contained incriminating evidence against high-ranking officials of the then-current Argentinian government including former president Cristina Fernández de Kirchner.. This story is convenient for several narratives, including the persecution of leftist politicians in Latin America after the US counteroffensive 2010-20, the campaign to pin the bombing on Iran, and obfuscating other leads, both in his death and in the boming itself.

Contacts with the CIA, FBI and US Embassy

Santiago O'Donnell, an Argentine journalist and writer who published the books Argenleaks and Politileaks, both of which analyse the Wikileaks cable leak concerning Argentina's foreign and domestic policies, stated that during his investigation, he found clear and strong ties and "friendship" between Nisman, the CIA and the Embassy of Argentina in Washington, D.C.. According to O'Donnell, the cables revealed Nisman had received recommendation from the US embassy to not investigate the Syrian clues in the AMIA bombing and the local connection of the terrorist attack, and that he was instead to assume certain guilt of Iranian suspects, although no trial had been conducted.

Argentine journalist Facundo Pastor accused Nisman claiming of having longstanding working relationship several USA security agencies, including the FBI. Pastor also states that in the light of his revelations it seems highly plausible that Nisman, instead of have been murdered by Argentina officials as has been widely assumed by the political opponents of Kirchner, committed suicide after all. His main argument for that position consists of the assumption that Nisman might have been purposely abandoned by the FBI and abstained from that agency's supposedly conclusive evidence against Kirchner, in the days leading up to his announcement of prosecuting Kirchner and Timerman. Pastor claims that Nisman might have been abandoned by his USA security contacts because the Obama administration shifted its political priorities from a severe anti-Iran policy towards a negotiated nuclear deal and more relaxed diplomatic ties with Iran as a consequence.

Analysts claim that there was a smear campaign against Nisman for his involvement as prosecutor in the AMIA bombing case.

Money laundering and undeclared earnings

Following the emerging data in the judicial inquiry into the death of Nisman, the federal prosecutor Juan Zoni asked the judge of the same jurisdiction Rodolfo Canicoba Corral to summon a statement from some relatives or close friends of Nisman people. The order included the mother, Sara Garfunkel, her sister Sandra, former ITF AMIA Diego Lagomarsino, and the businessman Alejandro Picón. The prosecutor said the four defendants have been figureheads of Nisman and that Nisman's real estate was not justified according to the income he received while in office. According to prosecutor Zoni, among those assets that were appointed to third parties are:

• The Audi Q3 car used by Nisman, which was in the name of Palermopack, the company owned by Alejandro Picón.
• The undeclared account in Merrill Lynch bank (New York), with an amount of more than U$S 670,000 attributed to the name of Diego Lagomarsino (Nisman's employee), Sandra Nisman (his sister) and Sara Garfunkel (Nisman's mother).
• A trust for two departments with two parking garages, which are named after Sara Garfunkel; and two lots of sea farms (chacras) in Punta del Este which are also named after Sara Garfunkel.

Judge Canicoba Corral made the request and set dates for the declarations, but before they were carried out, the Federal Chamber ordered - at the request of Sara Garfunkel - that Canicoba Corral cease to attend the case and that Judge Claudio Bonadio intervene. The reason for the withdrawal was an alleged partiality of the Judge Canicoba Corral, who had previously criticized Nisman and had made remarks in the media assuming Nisman's money laundering to be almost certain.

Diego Lagomarsino, the man who declared that he had given Alberto Nisman the gun from which the mortal shot came out, stated that every month he gave his boss 50 percent of his salary, against his will. He explained to the Justice that he gave the money to Nisman in his hand, in the department of Le Parc of the latter, and without witnesses. Lagomarsino also confirmed that he was co-owning with Nisman a bank account at the Merrill Lynch Bank of New York and that he made money transfers to pay the expenses of a field in Uruguay. The data on Nisman's estate were provided two months after the death, in a letter signed by Lagomarsino and his lawyers and presented to the prosecutor Viviana Fein.

Human Rights violations in La Tablada barracks

The 1989 attack on La Tablada barracks was an assault on the military barracks located in La Tablada, in the province of Buenos Aires, Argentina, by 40 members of Movimiento Todos por la Patria (MTP), an Argentine leftist urban guerrilla group commanded by former ERP leader Enrique Gorriarán Merlo. 39 people were killed and 60 injured by the time the Argentine Army retook the barracks. The MTP carried out the assault under the alleged pretense of preventing a military coup supposedly planned for the end of January 1989 by the Carapintadas, a group of far-right military officers opposed to the investigations concerning Argentina's last civil-military dictatorship (1976-1983), its widespread Human Rights abuses, and the use of State terrorism against civilians.

In 1989, Gerardo Larrambebere (then federal judge of Morón), appointed Nisman as the secretary in charge of the investigation on the allegations of forced disappearance of Iván Ruiz and José Díaz, two of the guerrilla members who participated during the fight on La Tablada barracks. Nisman filed the case due to "lack of evidence". In 1997, the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights ruled that Ruiz and Díaz had been victims of crimes against humanity and that the Argentine State and its Juditial power had failed to comply with its duty to investigate and punish the people responsible. Twenty years later the case was reactivated and the then federal judge of Morón ordered the prosecution and capture of soldiers suspected of having committed the crimes.

In December 2018, during the third hearing of the trial for the human rights violations committed during the recovery of the La Tablada barracks in 1989, a surprising revelation occurred when two soldiers who had participated in the events claimed under oath that Iván Ruiz and José Díaz were captured alive, tortured and then disappeared by the Army (known as Desaparecidos in Argentina). But one of them went further: César Ariel Quiroga, at the time the driver of an ambulance inside the Tablada barracks, reported that he was forced to sign a statement with facts that he did not see and which cleared the name of the military in the disappearance of Ruiz and Díaz. That false testimonial bears the signature of Alberto Nisman, then secretary of the Morón court. During the 2018 trial, Quiroga thanked the court for the "opportunity" to speak up and then explained that in 1990, when he was 23 years old, he signed a testimonial statement before Nisman that "was not" true to what he had declared and that an "auditor of the Army", present in the court of Gerardo Larrambebere had taken him aside before signing, and asked him to consent to the "official version so as not to damage the institution" (i.e. the Argentine Army). That statement was taken in August 1990, in the court that ran Larrambebere, with the secretariat of Nisman: "They gave me two sheets to sign, which they said it was a procedure I had to do in case someone claimed something", Quiroga explained, and he showed the copies that were delivered to him at that time, which are now part of the file and were later submitted to the expert's report, according to Matías Alejandro Mancini, president of Federal Court Nº4 of San Martín. "I signed it because of my young age, because I had been in the institution for a short time, due to pressure and fear", Quiroga added.

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