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Document:In Defence of the Indefensible - Revision history
2024-03-28T14:02:14Z
Revision history for this page on the wiki
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Robin at 15:01, 9 July 2019
2019-07-09T15:01:24Z
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<tr><td colspan="2"> </td><td class='diff-marker'>+</td><td style="color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div><ins style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;">|image=DeepBlackLies.jpg</ins></div></td></tr>
<tr><td colspan="2"> </td><td class='diff-marker'>+</td><td style="color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div><ins style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;">|image_width=166px</ins></div></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>|authors=David Guyatt</div></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>|authors=David Guyatt</div></td></tr>
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Robin
https://wikispooks.com/w/index.php?title=Document:In_Defence_of_the_Indefensible&diff=163400&oldid=prev
Robin: Trim deprecated 'see also' section
2019-07-07T01:26:00Z
<p>Trim deprecated 'see also' section</p>
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<tr><td class='diff-marker'>−</td><td style="color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div><del style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;">|see_also=*[[Document:Whistler against the wind - Gerald James]]</del></div></td><td colspan="2"> </td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'>−</td><td style="color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div><del style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;">*[[Document:Armed and Dangerous]] - An article by Paul Foot</del></div></td><td colspan="2"> </td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'>−</td><td style="color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div><del style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;">*[[Gerald James]]</del></div></td><td colspan="2"> </td></tr>
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Robin
https://wikispooks.com/w/index.php?title=Document:In_Defence_of_the_Indefensible&diff=163398&oldid=prev
Robin at 01:25, 7 July 2019
2019-07-07T01:25:24Z
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<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>|source_URL=http://www.deepblacklies.co.uk/</div></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>|source_URL=http://www.deepblacklies.co.uk/</div></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'>−</td><td style="color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>|<del class="diffchange diffchange-inline">note</del>=<del class="diffchange diffchange-inline">© 1997 David Guyatt. Republished with permission</del></div></td><td class='diff-marker'>+</td><td style="color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>|<ins class="diffchange diffchange-inline">permission</ins>=<ins class="diffchange diffchange-inline">1</ins></div></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>|leaked=No</div></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>|leaked=No</div></td></tr>
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Robin
https://wikispooks.com/w/index.php?title=Document:In_Defence_of_the_Indefensible&diff=160196&oldid=prev
Robin: Text replacement - "mustard gas" to "mustard gas"
2019-05-24T15:49:35Z
<p>Text replacement - "mustard gas" to "<a href="/wiki/Mustard_gas" title="Mustard gas">mustard gas</a>"</p>
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<td colspan="2" style="background-color: #fff; color: #222; text-align: center;">Revision as of 15:49, 24 May 2019</td>
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<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>This covert decision reflected wider geopolitical pressures. As early as 1981, Britain's publicly stated position had run into increasing difficulties. Unable to reconcile its public posture to the longer-term interests of its closest allies and business partners, and following severe behind-the-scenes pressure from the US, and the Gulf states - in particular [[Saudi Arabia]] - the fig-leaf position of neutrality was secretly abandoned in favour of Iraq. This change was later outlined in the remarkably frank admission of [[Alan Clark]] (Minister of State for Defence 1989-92) during cross-examination in the 1992 [[Matrix Churchill]] trial. No longer a member of the government, Clark mischievously revealed that "the interests of the West were best served by Iran and Iraq fighting each other, and the longer the better." Intentional Western prolongation of the war became ''de rigueur''.</div></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>This covert decision reflected wider geopolitical pressures. As early as 1981, Britain's publicly stated position had run into increasing difficulties. Unable to reconcile its public posture to the longer-term interests of its closest allies and business partners, and following severe behind-the-scenes pressure from the US, and the Gulf states - in particular [[Saudi Arabia]] - the fig-leaf position of neutrality was secretly abandoned in favour of Iraq. This change was later outlined in the remarkably frank admission of [[Alan Clark]] (Minister of State for Defence 1989-92) during cross-examination in the 1992 [[Matrix Churchill]] trial. No longer a member of the government, Clark mischievously revealed that "the interests of the West were best served by Iran and Iraq fighting each other, and the longer the better." Intentional Western prolongation of the war became ''de rigueur''.</div></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'>−</td><td style="color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>By early 1984, the media disseminated widespread reports that Iraq had used chemical weapons. A UN report published in March 1994 confirmed the use of WW1 mustard gas and the far more sinister WWII Nazi [[nerve gas]] [[Tabun]]. Iran too, came in for widespread criticism for its use of young children as front line infantry soldiers. Pressed in the [[House of Commons]] to confirm that [[chemical weapons]] would not be supplied to either combatant, [[Geoffrey Pattie]] ([[Minister for Defence Procurement]]) stated "we do not intend to authorise the supply of any item which might assist Iran or Iraq to wage chemical warfare during the current conflict."15 The Carefully drafted Parliamentary answer was wide open to abuse. In particular the words "intend," "authorise," "assist" and "current conflict" are noteworthy for their flexibility. For a public weaned on the concept that "what you mean is what you say", the Scott affair has proved to be an eye opening journey through an Alice in Wonderland world of double-speak and hidden meaning. As we shall see chemical pre-cursors were, in fact, shipped to Iraq, destined for use in its chemical warfare programme. So too, were machine tool components vital for Saddam's much desired nuclear weapons factories.</div></td><td class='diff-marker'>+</td><td style="color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>By early 1984, the media disseminated widespread reports that Iraq had used chemical weapons. A UN report published in March 1994 confirmed the use of WW1 <ins class="diffchange diffchange-inline">[[</ins>mustard gas<ins class="diffchange diffchange-inline">]] </ins>and the far more sinister WWII Nazi [[nerve gas]] [[Tabun]]. Iran too, came in for widespread criticism for its use of young children as front line infantry soldiers. Pressed in the [[House of Commons]] to confirm that [[chemical weapons]] would not be supplied to either combatant, [[Geoffrey Pattie]] ([[Minister for Defence Procurement]]) stated "we do not intend to authorise the supply of any item which might assist Iran or Iraq to wage chemical warfare during the current conflict."15 The Carefully drafted Parliamentary answer was wide open to abuse. In particular the words "intend," "authorise," "assist" and "current conflict" are noteworthy for their flexibility. For a public weaned on the concept that "what you mean is what you say", the Scott affair has proved to be an eye opening journey through an Alice in Wonderland world of double-speak and hidden meaning. As we shall see chemical pre-cursors were, in fact, shipped to Iraq, destined for use in its chemical warfare programme. So too, were machine tool components vital for Saddam's much desired nuclear weapons factories.</div></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>Shipping weapons to the enemy in time of war is not a new phenomenon. The use by UK Ltd of Jordan to act as a "front" was likewise reflected in the USA. [[William Casey]], DCI at the [[Central Intelligence Agency]], saw [[Jordan]] as the "perfect front for covert U.S. operations, whether they involved intelligence-sharing or arms." [[Fred Haobsh]], a Jordanian born US citizen, worked for the CIA as a contractor and skated around the middle east collecting intelligence for his employers. It was dangerous work. Meeting up with Saddam Hussein's weapons procurement officer in Jordan, he received a shopping list of weapons and war materiel needed by Iraq's greedy war machine. As with the UK, these included components for both CBW and nuclear weapons, particularly "Tungsten carbide cutting heads for computer controlled lathes... blocks of graphite of particular specifications and dimensions." Haobsh returned to the US and met his CIA "handlers" in a Washington safe house for debriefing. Happy to work for Uncle Sam he began to worry as the meeting continued. The intelligence he had gathered seemed to be of little interest to his handlers. What they wanted, he concluded was "to sell weapons to Iraq." By February 2 1991, [[Desert Storm]]'s air war was in its fourteenth day. As hundreds of allied sorties continued to be flown in a round-the-clock air superiority and bombing campaign, Haobsh returned from a trip to Tunis with an urgent Iraqi request for a consignment of "Soviet-made shoulder-operated surface-to-air-missiles (SAMs)." Both his handlers were keen to help: "Great, now we're going to sell Saddam some missiles," one of them enthused. Now acutely worried, Haobsh asked for a letter confirming he was acting on behalf of the CIA, "in case I was prosecuted," he later revealed. The request went unfulfilled and Haobsh, now desperately wanting out, refusing to take any more calls from the cool dudes at Langley Enterprises.</div></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>Shipping weapons to the enemy in time of war is not a new phenomenon. The use by UK Ltd of Jordan to act as a "front" was likewise reflected in the USA. [[William Casey]], DCI at the [[Central Intelligence Agency]], saw [[Jordan]] as the "perfect front for covert U.S. operations, whether they involved intelligence-sharing or arms." [[Fred Haobsh]], a Jordanian born US citizen, worked for the CIA as a contractor and skated around the middle east collecting intelligence for his employers. It was dangerous work. Meeting up with Saddam Hussein's weapons procurement officer in Jordan, he received a shopping list of weapons and war materiel needed by Iraq's greedy war machine. As with the UK, these included components for both CBW and nuclear weapons, particularly "Tungsten carbide cutting heads for computer controlled lathes... blocks of graphite of particular specifications and dimensions." Haobsh returned to the US and met his CIA "handlers" in a Washington safe house for debriefing. Happy to work for Uncle Sam he began to worry as the meeting continued. The intelligence he had gathered seemed to be of little interest to his handlers. What they wanted, he concluded was "to sell weapons to Iraq." By February 2 1991, [[Desert Storm]]'s air war was in its fourteenth day. As hundreds of allied sorties continued to be flown in a round-the-clock air superiority and bombing campaign, Haobsh returned from a trip to Tunis with an urgent Iraqi request for a consignment of "Soviet-made shoulder-operated surface-to-air-missiles (SAMs)." Both his handlers were keen to help: "Great, now we're going to sell Saddam some missiles," one of them enthused. Now acutely worried, Haobsh asked for a letter confirming he was acting on behalf of the CIA, "in case I was prosecuted," he later revealed. The request went unfulfilled and Haobsh, now desperately wanting out, refusing to take any more calls from the cool dudes at Langley Enterprises.</div></td></tr>
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<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>===The $25,000 Egyptian "End-User"===</div></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>===The $25,000 Egyptian "End-User"===</div></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'>−</td><td style="color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>Apart from Jordan, a number of other end-user nations acting as "fronts" were able to divert considerable quantities of materiel to Iraq. A Defence Intelligence Staff (DIS) minute dated 29 November 1984 notes "links between Egypt and Iraq in the CW field" and goes on to observe that evidence of those links is "quite conclusive." Despite this obvious intelligence an export licence by ISC Chemicals Ltd., to tranship a quantity of hydrogen fluoride (HF) to Egypt (destined for Iraq) was sanctioned. This approval followed a visit to Egypt by Trade Minister Tim Renton. Hydrogen fluoride is a known pre-cursor for the nerve gas Sarin, which formed one of the ingredients in the "cocktail" of chemicals dropped on the unsuspecting citizens of Halabja - "a brew of hydrogen cyanide, tabun, sarin and sulphuric mustard gas." Interestingly, UK Ltd has a long and devious involvement with the Nazi nerve agents, Sarin, Tabun and Soman. In their book "Rat Lines", authors Mark Aarons and John Loftus reveal that following WW11, British agents successfully negotiated with a Nazi war criminal to obtain the necessary formulae's of these gases. Satisfied, they then aided in the Nazi's flight from justice - to South America. The war criminal was none other than Dr. Joseph Mengele - Auschwitz's notorious "White Angel", a monster guilty of the most vile medical experiments in Hitler's abominable death-camps. All in a day's work for the boys who brought a wide-eyed world such thrilling media extravaganzas as: "Nuremberg Trials R US."</div></td><td class='diff-marker'>+</td><td style="color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>Apart from Jordan, a number of other end-user nations acting as "fronts" were able to divert considerable quantities of materiel to Iraq. A Defence Intelligence Staff (DIS) minute dated 29 November 1984 notes "links between Egypt and Iraq in the CW field" and goes on to observe that evidence of those links is "quite conclusive." Despite this obvious intelligence an export licence by ISC Chemicals Ltd., to tranship a quantity of hydrogen fluoride (HF) to Egypt (destined for Iraq) was sanctioned. This approval followed a visit to Egypt by Trade Minister Tim Renton. Hydrogen fluoride is a known pre-cursor for the nerve gas Sarin, which formed one of the ingredients in the "cocktail" of chemicals dropped on the unsuspecting citizens of Halabja - "a brew of hydrogen cyanide, tabun, sarin and sulphuric <ins class="diffchange diffchange-inline">[[</ins>mustard gas<ins class="diffchange diffchange-inline">]]</ins>." Interestingly, UK Ltd has a long and devious involvement with the Nazi nerve agents, Sarin, Tabun and Soman. In their book "Rat Lines", authors Mark Aarons and John Loftus reveal that following WW11, British agents successfully negotiated with a Nazi war criminal to obtain the necessary formulae's of these gases. Satisfied, they then aided in the Nazi's flight from justice - to South America. The war criminal was none other than Dr. Joseph Mengele - Auschwitz's notorious "White Angel", a monster guilty of the most vile medical experiments in Hitler's abominable death-camps. All in a day's work for the boys who brought a wide-eyed world such thrilling media extravaganzas as: "Nuremberg Trials R US."</div></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>Egyptian "end-user" certificates were available to anyone prepared to pay $25,000.00 according to oral testimony given Scott by two unnamed intelligence operatives. Egypt was also the "opaque" destination of over one million "Proximity" and "Point Detonating Fuses" produced between November 1986 and July 1987 by the Scottish based munitions manufacturer [[Allivane International]] Ltd. Fuses of this sort are an obvious and indispensable component of large brass tubes packed with cordite and other explosive chemicals that are propelled at great speed out of the nozzles of howitzers. They are thus, in the jargon, agreeably "non-lethal." Naturally. The fuses ended up in Iraq." Other nations engaged in the diversionary "peek-a-boo" game were Saudi Arabia, Austria and Portugal.</div></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>Egyptian "end-user" certificates were available to anyone prepared to pay $25,000.00 according to oral testimony given Scott by two unnamed intelligence operatives. Egypt was also the "opaque" destination of over one million "Proximity" and "Point Detonating Fuses" produced between November 1986 and July 1987 by the Scottish based munitions manufacturer [[Allivane International]] Ltd. Fuses of this sort are an obvious and indispensable component of large brass tubes packed with cordite and other explosive chemicals that are propelled at great speed out of the nozzles of howitzers. They are thus, in the jargon, agreeably "non-lethal." Naturally. The fuses ended up in Iraq." Other nations engaged in the diversionary "peek-a-boo" game were Saudi Arabia, Austria and Portugal.</div></td></tr>
</table>
Robin
https://wikispooks.com/w/index.php?title=Document:In_Defence_of_the_Indefensible&diff=145240&oldid=prev
Robin: lniks
2018-03-12T10:22:19Z
<p>lniks</p>
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<td colspan="2" style="background-color: #fff; color: #222; text-align: center;">Revision as of 10:22, 12 March 2018</td>
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<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>}}</div></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>}}</div></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>==In Defence of the Indefensible==</div></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>==In Defence of the Indefensible==</div></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'>−</td><td style="color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>Three and a half years in the making, Sir [[Richard Scott]]'s long awaited inquiry report thumped on to the desks of quivering crown ministers in February 1996. Scott was charged with investigating Britain's own murky "Iraq-gate". Amongst other things he reveals how governments daily side-step domestic democratic controls in pursuit of reckless foreign policy. Also laid bare was the secret UK-USA policy to supply Iraq with anything that goes "bang" - from tanks, to chemical and nuclear weapons... even after Saddam invaded Kuwait!</div></td><td class='diff-marker'>+</td><td style="color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>Three and a half years in the making, Sir [[Richard Scott]]'s long awaited inquiry report thumped on to the desks of quivering crown ministers in February 1996. Scott was charged with investigating Britain's own murky "Iraq-gate". Amongst other things he reveals how governments daily side-step domestic democratic controls in pursuit of reckless foreign policy. Also laid bare was the secret UK-USA policy to supply <ins class="diffchange diffchange-inline">[[</ins>Iraq<ins class="diffchange diffchange-inline">]] </ins>with anything that goes "bang" - from tanks, to chemical and nuclear weapons... even after <ins class="diffchange diffchange-inline">[[</ins>Saddam<ins class="diffchange diffchange-inline">]] </ins>invaded <ins class="diffchange diffchange-inline">[[</ins>Kuwait<ins class="diffchange diffchange-inline">]]</ins>!</div></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>===Introduction===</div></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>===Introduction===</div></td></tr>
<tr><td colspan="2" class="diff-lineno" id="mw-diff-left-l31" >Line 31:</td>
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<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>Constantly rocked backwards from one grimy government expose chasing on the heels of another, and weakened by persistent party fragmentation over European integration, [[John Major|Prime Minister Major]] opted to make a bold stand on Scott in the hope of supplanting his tarnished image as the weak, ineffectual "grey man" of British politics. With much bravado he announced that the two senior Ministers most likely to come under fire, [[William Waldegrave]] and Sir [[Nicholas Lyell]], would not resign. At the time this Custer-like posture seemed fraught with danger, but the media had not fully digested Major's plans for "news management" and, in any case were not about to seriously undermine the hidden power of the multi-billion pound British armaments industry by treading where angels feared to tread. The Prime Minister went on to announce in Parliament - to incredulous gasps of disbelief - that Sir Richard Scott's report would be made available to government ministers a full ten days prior to being made publicly available. At the same time, by scheduling the important Parliamentary debate on Scott's findings to coincide with publication, he constricted the ability of opposition MP's to even read the first page of the report before commencement of the debate, thus ensuring the best possible "spin" would accrue. Indignantly hounded by the media and MP's for this devious strategy, he eventually consented to permit two opposition spokesmen three hours grace to read the 1800-page report on the day of the debate. This "concession," he felt, would be sufficient for them to prepare counter arguments.</div></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>Constantly rocked backwards from one grimy government expose chasing on the heels of another, and weakened by persistent party fragmentation over European integration, [[John Major|Prime Minister Major]] opted to make a bold stand on Scott in the hope of supplanting his tarnished image as the weak, ineffectual "grey man" of British politics. With much bravado he announced that the two senior Ministers most likely to come under fire, [[William Waldegrave]] and Sir [[Nicholas Lyell]], would not resign. At the time this Custer-like posture seemed fraught with danger, but the media had not fully digested Major's plans for "news management" and, in any case were not about to seriously undermine the hidden power of the multi-billion pound British armaments industry by treading where angels feared to tread. The Prime Minister went on to announce in Parliament - to incredulous gasps of disbelief - that Sir Richard Scott's report would be made available to government ministers a full ten days prior to being made publicly available. At the same time, by scheduling the important Parliamentary debate on Scott's findings to coincide with publication, he constricted the ability of opposition MP's to even read the first page of the report before commencement of the debate, thus ensuring the best possible "spin" would accrue. Indignantly hounded by the media and MP's for this devious strategy, he eventually consented to permit two opposition spokesmen three hours grace to read the 1800-page report on the day of the debate. This "concession," he felt, would be sufficient for them to prepare counter arguments.</div></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'>−</td><td style="color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>With a media fanfare, the report was published at 3.30 p.m. on 15 February 1996, by the Department of Trade and Industry. The press review copies were accompanied by a "press pack" outlining the "salient" findings of Sir Richard Scott's report. Page one of the "pack" lists appropriate "snap-shot" headings. The first heading "No arms sold to Iraq" disingenuously outlines the government's spin, saying "The report confirms that Britain supplied no lethal weapons to Iraq." Other headings included: "No conspiracy to send innocent men to gaol" and "No deliberate misleading of Parliament." All three assertions are profoundly inaccurate as we shall see, but the "spin" and Major's resilient attitude ultimately worked as intended.</div></td><td class='diff-marker'>+</td><td style="color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>With a media fanfare, the report was published at 3.30 p.m. on 15 February 1996, by the <ins class="diffchange diffchange-inline">[[</ins>Department of Trade and Industry<ins class="diffchange diffchange-inline">]]</ins>. The press review copies were accompanied by a "press pack" outlining the "salient" findings of Sir Richard Scott's report. Page one of the "pack" lists appropriate "snap-shot" headings. The first heading "No arms sold to Iraq" disingenuously outlines the government's spin, saying "The report confirms that Britain supplied no lethal weapons to Iraq." Other headings included: "No conspiracy to send innocent men to gaol" and "No deliberate misleading of Parliament." All three assertions are profoundly inaccurate as we shall see, but the "spin" and Major's resilient attitude ultimately worked as intended.</div></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>Within a few days the report had been adequately read and digested. Perhaps the most surprising discovery was the extreme care Sir Richard had taken in wording his report. Repeatedly cataloguing a host of ministerial malfeasance (charges of ministerial "sophistry" being one of many) he was, non-the-less, careful to chose his words with the greatest caution. Scott mysteriously pulls his punches in his conclusions, but at the same time, roundly and continually condemns the government throughout the main body of the report. It was this peculiar and complex mixture of penmanship that provided the government with enough space to wriggle free in the all important debate. Why Scott chose to "blend" his findings and conclusions in this manner remains unclear. A popular theory, and one expounded by the Conservative rebel, Sir [[Teddy Taylor]], suggests that Scott was anxious to ensure that "rather than taking the easy way out of the problem by dismissing two ministers..." the government would not then be able "... to close the file on this worrying issue." Despite his "worries", Sir Teddy Taylor, non-the-less, voted in favour of the government line, and for all intents and purposes the "file" has, de facto, been closed.</div></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>Within a few days the report had been adequately read and digested. Perhaps the most surprising discovery was the extreme care Sir Richard had taken in wording his report. Repeatedly cataloguing a host of ministerial malfeasance (charges of ministerial "sophistry" being one of many) he was, non-the-less, careful to chose his words with the greatest caution. Scott mysteriously pulls his punches in his conclusions, but at the same time, roundly and continually condemns the government throughout the main body of the report. It was this peculiar and complex mixture of penmanship that provided the government with enough space to wriggle free in the all important debate. Why Scott chose to "blend" his findings and conclusions in this manner remains unclear. A popular theory, and one expounded by the Conservative rebel, Sir [[Teddy Taylor]], suggests that Scott was anxious to ensure that "rather than taking the easy way out of the problem by dismissing two ministers..." the government would not then be able "... to close the file on this worrying issue." Despite his "worries", Sir Teddy Taylor, non-the-less, voted in favour of the government line, and for all intents and purposes the "file" has, de facto, been closed.</div></td></tr>
<tr><td colspan="2" class="diff-lineno" id="mw-diff-left-l38" >Line 38:</td>
<td colspan="2" class="diff-lineno">Line 38:</td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>The back-drop to Scott was the secret British and American policy to arm Iraq's [[Saddam Hussein]], whilst also carefully regulating weapons supplies to both combatants to prevent either side "from winning the war." Deceitfully packaged - even to this day - as an honest desire to bring the conflict to an early halt, the reality behind weapons exports was more serpentine and a great deal more cynical. An extended conflict - eventually lasting eight years - was clearly recognised as an economic bonus to UK Ltd. The massive profits derived from weapons exports to both combatants was the singular "engine" that drove early British policy and, despite a later shift in emphasis, remained the central theme.</div></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>The back-drop to Scott was the secret British and American policy to arm Iraq's [[Saddam Hussein]], whilst also carefully regulating weapons supplies to both combatants to prevent either side "from winning the war." Deceitfully packaged - even to this day - as an honest desire to bring the conflict to an early halt, the reality behind weapons exports was more serpentine and a great deal more cynical. An extended conflict - eventually lasting eight years - was clearly recognised as an economic bonus to UK Ltd. The massive profits derived from weapons exports to both combatants was the singular "engine" that drove early British policy and, despite a later shift in emphasis, remained the central theme.</div></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'>−</td><td style="color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>In his book "Spider's Web", veteran ''Financial Times'' journalist [[Alan Friedman]] outlines the policy adopted by successive US administrations to arm Saddam. He observes, for example, that the [[Israel]]i bombing of Iraq's nuclear plant at Osirak in June 1981 (built with French assistance) resulted from intense "frustration" that the Reagan administration would not listen to their concerns about Saddam's nuclear weapons projects. Friedman goes on to review the Oval Office debate on 8 June 1981, following the Israeli action, noting that "What transpired during that Oval office meeting has never been made public." According to Secretary of State [[Alexander Haig]] the discussions primarily focused on how the administration "should behave towards Saddam Hussein." [[George H. W. Bush]] and [[James Baker]] steered the debate and both felt that Israel "should be punished" for the raid. Bush and Baker were long-time Texas "oilmen" and wanted to give support to "to prevent [[Iran]] from challenging the security of navigation for oil tankers and American access to Middle East oil." Added to this was the hope that Iraq could be weaned off its reliance on Soviet weapons and influence, a "shift" that would be of immense benefit to European [[NATO]] allies and soon percolated through the voracious Whitehall weapons network.</div></td><td class='diff-marker'>+</td><td style="color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>In his book "Spider's Web", veteran ''<ins class="diffchange diffchange-inline">[[</ins>Financial Times<ins class="diffchange diffchange-inline">]]</ins>'' journalist [[Alan Friedman]] outlines the policy adopted by successive US administrations to arm Saddam. He observes, for example, that the [[Israel]]i bombing of Iraq's nuclear plant at Osirak in June 1981 (built with French assistance) resulted from intense "frustration" that the Reagan administration would not listen to their concerns about Saddam's nuclear weapons projects. Friedman goes on to review the Oval Office debate on 8 June 1981, following the Israeli action, noting that "What transpired during that Oval office meeting has never been made public." According to Secretary of State [[Alexander Haig]] the discussions primarily focused on how the administration "should behave towards Saddam Hussein." [[George H. W. Bush]] and [[James Baker]] steered the debate and both felt that Israel "should be punished" for the raid. Bush and Baker were long-time Texas "oilmen" and wanted to give support to "to prevent [[Iran]] from challenging the security of navigation for oil tankers and American access to Middle East oil." Added to this was the hope that Iraq could be weaned off its reliance on Soviet weapons and influence, a "shift" that would be of immense benefit to European [[NATO]] allies and soon percolated through the voracious Whitehall weapons network.</div></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>It was understood by government ministers that their promotion of the armaments manufacturers self-interest - purposely fuelling a war then sitting back growing comfortably richer - would have been repugnant to the public. For this reason it was kept secret. Domestic anxiety over the continuing war led the government to deviously announce that it would adopt a "neutral, impartial and even-handed" stance in the conflict. Secure in the knowledge that it sat atop of a voraciously secret regime, it cunningly added it would only provide "non-lethal" defence equipment to both combatants. this moral "add on" went a long way to easing public disquiet. Secretly however, Ministers "had agreed that although lethal arms and ammunition would not be supplied to either side, every opportunity should be taken to exploit Iraq's potentialities as a promising market for the sale of defence equipment; and to this end 'lethal items' should be interpreted in the narrowest possible sense, and the obligations of neutrality as flexibly as possibly."</div></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>It was understood by government ministers that their promotion of the armaments manufacturers self-interest - purposely fuelling a war then sitting back growing comfortably richer - would have been repugnant to the public. For this reason it was kept secret. Domestic anxiety over the continuing war led the government to deviously announce that it would adopt a "neutral, impartial and even-handed" stance in the conflict. Secure in the knowledge that it sat atop of a voraciously secret regime, it cunningly added it would only provide "non-lethal" defence equipment to both combatants. this moral "add on" went a long way to easing public disquiet. Secretly however, Ministers "had agreed that although lethal arms and ammunition would not be supplied to either side, every opportunity should be taken to exploit Iraq's potentialities as a promising market for the sale of defence equipment; and to this end 'lethal items' should be interpreted in the narrowest possible sense, and the obligations of neutrality as flexibly as possibly."</div></td></tr>
<tr><td colspan="2" class="diff-lineno" id="mw-diff-left-l44" >Line 44:</td>
<td colspan="2" class="diff-lineno">Line 44:</td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>This covert decision reflected wider geopolitical pressures. As early as 1981, Britain's publicly stated position had run into increasing difficulties. Unable to reconcile its public posture to the longer-term interests of its closest allies and business partners, and following severe behind-the-scenes pressure from the US, and the Gulf states - in particular [[Saudi Arabia]] - the fig-leaf position of neutrality was secretly abandoned in favour of Iraq. This change was later outlined in the remarkably frank admission of [[Alan Clark]] (Minister of State for Defence 1989-92) during cross-examination in the 1992 [[Matrix Churchill]] trial. No longer a member of the government, Clark mischievously revealed that "the interests of the West were best served by Iran and Iraq fighting each other, and the longer the better." Intentional Western prolongation of the war became ''de rigueur''.</div></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>This covert decision reflected wider geopolitical pressures. As early as 1981, Britain's publicly stated position had run into increasing difficulties. Unable to reconcile its public posture to the longer-term interests of its closest allies and business partners, and following severe behind-the-scenes pressure from the US, and the Gulf states - in particular [[Saudi Arabia]] - the fig-leaf position of neutrality was secretly abandoned in favour of Iraq. This change was later outlined in the remarkably frank admission of [[Alan Clark]] (Minister of State for Defence 1989-92) during cross-examination in the 1992 [[Matrix Churchill]] trial. No longer a member of the government, Clark mischievously revealed that "the interests of the West were best served by Iran and Iraq fighting each other, and the longer the better." Intentional Western prolongation of the war became ''de rigueur''.</div></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'>−</td><td style="color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>By early 1984, the media disseminated widespread reports that Iraq had used chemical weapons. A UN report published in March 1994 confirmed the use of WW1 mustard gas and the far more sinister <del class="diffchange diffchange-inline">WW11 </del>Nazi nerve gas Tabun. Iran too, came in for widespread criticism for its use of young children as front line infantry soldiers. Pressed in the House of Commons to confirm that chemical weapons would not be supplied to either combatant, Geoffrey Pattie (Minister for Defence Procurement) stated "we do not intend to authorise the supply of any item which might assist Iran or Iraq to wage chemical warfare during the current conflict."15 The Carefully drafted Parliamentary answer was wide open to abuse. In particular the words "intend," "authorise," "assist" and "current conflict" are noteworthy for their flexibility. For a public weaned on the concept that "what you mean is what you say", the Scott affair has proved to be an eye opening journey through an Alice in Wonderland world of double-speak and hidden meaning. As we shall see chemical pre-cursors were, in fact, shipped to Iraq, destined for use in its chemical warfare programme. So too, were machine tool components vital for Saddam's much desired nuclear weapons factories.</div></td><td class='diff-marker'>+</td><td style="color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>By early 1984, the media disseminated widespread reports that Iraq had used chemical weapons. A UN report published in March 1994 confirmed the use of WW1 mustard gas and the far more sinister <ins class="diffchange diffchange-inline">WWII </ins>Nazi <ins class="diffchange diffchange-inline">[[</ins>nerve gas<ins class="diffchange diffchange-inline">]] [[</ins>Tabun<ins class="diffchange diffchange-inline">]]</ins>. Iran too, came in for widespread criticism for its use of young children as front line infantry soldiers. Pressed in the <ins class="diffchange diffchange-inline">[[</ins>House of Commons<ins class="diffchange diffchange-inline">]] </ins>to confirm that <ins class="diffchange diffchange-inline">[[</ins>chemical weapons<ins class="diffchange diffchange-inline">]] </ins>would not be supplied to either combatant, <ins class="diffchange diffchange-inline">[[</ins>Geoffrey Pattie<ins class="diffchange diffchange-inline">]] </ins>(<ins class="diffchange diffchange-inline">[[</ins>Minister for Defence Procurement<ins class="diffchange diffchange-inline">]]</ins>) stated "we do not intend to authorise the supply of any item which might assist Iran or Iraq to wage chemical warfare during the current conflict."15 The Carefully drafted Parliamentary answer was wide open to abuse. In particular the words "intend," "authorise," "assist" and "current conflict" are noteworthy for their flexibility. For a public weaned on the concept that "what you mean is what you say", the Scott affair has proved to be an eye opening journey through an Alice in Wonderland world of double-speak and hidden meaning. As we shall see chemical pre-cursors were, in fact, shipped to Iraq, destined for use in its chemical warfare programme. So too, were machine tool components vital for Saddam's much desired nuclear weapons factories.</div></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>Shipping weapons to the enemy in time of war is not a new phenomenon. The use by UK Ltd of Jordan to act as a "front" was likewise reflected in the USA. [[William Casey]], DCI at the [[Central Intelligence Agency]], saw [[Jordan]] as the "perfect front for covert U.S. operations, whether they involved intelligence-sharing or arms." [[Fred Haobsh]], a Jordanian born US citizen, worked for the CIA as a contractor and skated around the middle east collecting intelligence for his employers. It was dangerous work. Meeting up with Saddam Hussein's weapons procurement officer in Jordan, he received a shopping list of weapons and war materiel needed by Iraq's greedy war machine. As with the UK, these included components for both CBW and nuclear weapons, particularly "Tungsten carbide cutting heads for computer controlled lathes... blocks of graphite of particular specifications and dimensions." Haobsh returned to the US and met his CIA "handlers" in a Washington safe house for debriefing. Happy to work for Uncle Sam he began to worry as the meeting continued. The intelligence he had gathered seemed to be of little interest to his handlers. What they wanted, he concluded was "to sell weapons to Iraq." By February 2 1991, [[Desert Storm]]'s air war was in its fourteenth day. As hundreds of allied sorties continued to be flown in a round-the-clock air superiority and bombing campaign, Haobsh returned from a trip to Tunis with an urgent Iraqi request for a consignment of "Soviet-made shoulder-operated surface-to-air-missiles (SAMs)." Both his handlers were keen to help: "Great, now we're going to sell Saddam some missiles," one of them enthused. Now acutely worried, Haobsh asked for a letter confirming he was acting on behalf of the CIA, "in case I was prosecuted," he later revealed. The request went unfulfilled and Haobsh, now desperately wanting out, refusing to take any more calls from the cool dudes at Langley Enterprises.</div></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>Shipping weapons to the enemy in time of war is not a new phenomenon. The use by UK Ltd of Jordan to act as a "front" was likewise reflected in the USA. [[William Casey]], DCI at the [[Central Intelligence Agency]], saw [[Jordan]] as the "perfect front for covert U.S. operations, whether they involved intelligence-sharing or arms." [[Fred Haobsh]], a Jordanian born US citizen, worked for the CIA as a contractor and skated around the middle east collecting intelligence for his employers. It was dangerous work. Meeting up with Saddam Hussein's weapons procurement officer in Jordan, he received a shopping list of weapons and war materiel needed by Iraq's greedy war machine. As with the UK, these included components for both CBW and nuclear weapons, particularly "Tungsten carbide cutting heads for computer controlled lathes... blocks of graphite of particular specifications and dimensions." Haobsh returned to the US and met his CIA "handlers" in a Washington safe house for debriefing. Happy to work for Uncle Sam he began to worry as the meeting continued. The intelligence he had gathered seemed to be of little interest to his handlers. What they wanted, he concluded was "to sell weapons to Iraq." By February 2 1991, [[Desert Storm]]'s air war was in its fourteenth day. As hundreds of allied sorties continued to be flown in a round-the-clock air superiority and bombing campaign, Haobsh returned from a trip to Tunis with an urgent Iraqi request for a consignment of "Soviet-made shoulder-operated surface-to-air-missiles (SAMs)." Both his handlers were keen to help: "Great, now we're going to sell Saddam some missiles," one of them enthused. Now acutely worried, Haobsh asked for a letter confirming he was acting on behalf of the CIA, "in case I was prosecuted," he later revealed. The request went unfulfilled and Haobsh, now desperately wanting out, refusing to take any more calls from the cool dudes at Langley Enterprises.</div></td></tr>
</table>
Robin
https://wikispooks.com/w/index.php?title=Document:In_Defence_of_the_Indefensible&diff=126329&oldid=prev
Robin: Text replacement - "George H.W. Bush" to "George H. W. Bush"
2017-10-24T20:54:42Z
<p>Text replacement - "George H.W. Bush" to "George H. W. Bush"</p>
<table class="diff diff-contentalign-left" data-mw="interface">
<col class="diff-marker" />
<col class="diff-content" />
<col class="diff-marker" />
<col class="diff-content" />
<tr class="diff-title" lang="en">
<td colspan="2" style="background-color: #fff; color: #222; text-align: center;">← Older revision</td>
<td colspan="2" style="background-color: #fff; color: #222; text-align: center;">Revision as of 20:54, 24 October 2017</td>
</tr><tr><td colspan="2" class="diff-lineno" id="mw-diff-left-l38" >Line 38:</td>
<td colspan="2" class="diff-lineno">Line 38:</td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>The back-drop to Scott was the secret British and American policy to arm Iraq's [[Saddam Hussein]], whilst also carefully regulating weapons supplies to both combatants to prevent either side "from winning the war." Deceitfully packaged - even to this day - as an honest desire to bring the conflict to an early halt, the reality behind weapons exports was more serpentine and a great deal more cynical. An extended conflict - eventually lasting eight years - was clearly recognised as an economic bonus to UK Ltd. The massive profits derived from weapons exports to both combatants was the singular "engine" that drove early British policy and, despite a later shift in emphasis, remained the central theme.</div></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>The back-drop to Scott was the secret British and American policy to arm Iraq's [[Saddam Hussein]], whilst also carefully regulating weapons supplies to both combatants to prevent either side "from winning the war." Deceitfully packaged - even to this day - as an honest desire to bring the conflict to an early halt, the reality behind weapons exports was more serpentine and a great deal more cynical. An extended conflict - eventually lasting eight years - was clearly recognised as an economic bonus to UK Ltd. The massive profits derived from weapons exports to both combatants was the singular "engine" that drove early British policy and, despite a later shift in emphasis, remained the central theme.</div></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'>−</td><td style="color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>In his book "Spider's Web", veteran ''Financial Times'' journalist [[Alan Friedman]] outlines the policy adopted by successive US administrations to arm Saddam. He observes, for example, that the [[Israel]]i bombing of Iraq's nuclear plant at Osirak in June 1981 (built with French assistance) resulted from intense "frustration" that the Reagan administration would not listen to their concerns about Saddam's nuclear weapons projects. Friedman goes on to review the Oval Office debate on 8 June 1981, following the Israeli action, noting that "What transpired during that Oval office meeting has never been made public." According to Secretary of State [[Alexander Haig]] the discussions primarily focused on how the administration "should behave towards Saddam Hussein." [[George H.W. Bush]] and [[James Baker]] steered the debate and both felt that Israel "should be punished" for the raid. Bush and Baker were long-time Texas "oilmen" and wanted to give support to "to prevent [[Iran]] from challenging the security of navigation for oil tankers and American access to Middle East oil." Added to this was the hope that Iraq could be weaned off its reliance on Soviet weapons and influence, a "shift" that would be of immense benefit to European [[NATO]] allies and soon percolated through the voracious Whitehall weapons network.</div></td><td class='diff-marker'>+</td><td style="color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>In his book "Spider's Web", veteran ''Financial Times'' journalist [[Alan Friedman]] outlines the policy adopted by successive US administrations to arm Saddam. He observes, for example, that the [[Israel]]i bombing of Iraq's nuclear plant at Osirak in June 1981 (built with French assistance) resulted from intense "frustration" that the Reagan administration would not listen to their concerns about Saddam's nuclear weapons projects. Friedman goes on to review the Oval Office debate on 8 June 1981, following the Israeli action, noting that "What transpired during that Oval office meeting has never been made public." According to Secretary of State [[Alexander Haig]] the discussions primarily focused on how the administration "should behave towards Saddam Hussein." [[George H. W. Bush]] and [[James Baker]] steered the debate and both felt that Israel "should be punished" for the raid. Bush and Baker were long-time Texas "oilmen" and wanted to give support to "to prevent [[Iran]] from challenging the security of navigation for oil tankers and American access to Middle East oil." Added to this was the hope that Iraq could be weaned off its reliance on Soviet weapons and influence, a "shift" that would be of immense benefit to European [[NATO]] allies and soon percolated through the voracious Whitehall weapons network.</div></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>It was understood by government ministers that their promotion of the armaments manufacturers self-interest - purposely fuelling a war then sitting back growing comfortably richer - would have been repugnant to the public. For this reason it was kept secret. Domestic anxiety over the continuing war led the government to deviously announce that it would adopt a "neutral, impartial and even-handed" stance in the conflict. Secure in the knowledge that it sat atop of a voraciously secret regime, it cunningly added it would only provide "non-lethal" defence equipment to both combatants. this moral "add on" went a long way to easing public disquiet. Secretly however, Ministers "had agreed that although lethal arms and ammunition would not be supplied to either side, every opportunity should be taken to exploit Iraq's potentialities as a promising market for the sale of defence equipment; and to this end 'lethal items' should be interpreted in the narrowest possible sense, and the obligations of neutrality as flexibly as possibly."</div></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>It was understood by government ministers that their promotion of the armaments manufacturers self-interest - purposely fuelling a war then sitting back growing comfortably richer - would have been repugnant to the public. For this reason it was kept secret. Domestic anxiety over the continuing war led the government to deviously announce that it would adopt a "neutral, impartial and even-handed" stance in the conflict. Secure in the knowledge that it sat atop of a voraciously secret regime, it cunningly added it would only provide "non-lethal" defence equipment to both combatants. this moral "add on" went a long way to easing public disquiet. Secretly however, Ministers "had agreed that although lethal arms and ammunition would not be supplied to either side, every opportunity should be taken to exploit Iraq's potentialities as a promising market for the sale of defence equipment; and to this end 'lethal items' should be interpreted in the narrowest possible sense, and the obligations of neutrality as flexibly as possibly."</div></td></tr>
</table>
Robin
https://wikispooks.com/w/index.php?title=Document:In_Defence_of_the_Indefensible&diff=93926&oldid=prev
Robin: Text replacement - "===References===" to "==References=="
2016-08-26T02:48:43Z
<p>Text replacement - "===References===" to "==References=="</p>
<table class="diff diff-contentalign-left" data-mw="interface">
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<col class="diff-content" />
<col class="diff-marker" />
<col class="diff-content" />
<tr class="diff-title" lang="en">
<td colspan="2" style="background-color: #fff; color: #222; text-align: center;">← Older revision</td>
<td colspan="2" style="background-color: #fff; color: #222; text-align: center;">Revision as of 02:48, 26 August 2016</td>
</tr><tr><td colspan="2" class="diff-lineno" id="mw-diff-left-l81" >Line 81:</td>
<td colspan="2" class="diff-lineno">Line 81:</td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>'''We British have a long history in such matters of state.'''</div></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>'''We British have a long history in such matters of state.'''</div></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'>−</td><td style="color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div><del class="diffchange diffchange-inline">=</del>==References<del class="diffchange diffchange-inline">=</del>==</div></td><td class='diff-marker'>+</td><td style="color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>==References==</div></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>#Scott D3.151, D6.312-328, D6.374-387,D6.388-392, D6.397-401 and in particular D6.402-405</div></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>#Scott D3.151, D6.312-328, D6.374-387,D6.388-392, D6.397-401 and in particular D6.402-405</div></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>#Variously jumping from 2nd to 3rd place with France. The USA is by far the largest weapons exporter in the world with well over 50% of global annual sales.</div></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>#Variously jumping from 2nd to 3rd place with France. The USA is by far the largest weapons exporter in the world with well over 50% of global annual sales.</div></td></tr>
</table>
Robin
https://wikispooks.com/w/index.php?title=Document:In_Defence_of_the_Indefensible&diff=90837&oldid=prev
Robin: Text replacement - "==Endnotes==" to "==References=="
2016-07-25T14:14:25Z
<p>Text replacement - "==Endnotes==" to "==References=="</p>
<table class="diff diff-contentalign-left" data-mw="interface">
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<col class="diff-marker" />
<col class="diff-content" />
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<td colspan="2" style="background-color: #fff; color: #222; text-align: center;">← Older revision</td>
<td colspan="2" style="background-color: #fff; color: #222; text-align: center;">Revision as of 14:14, 25 July 2016</td>
</tr><tr><td colspan="2" class="diff-lineno" id="mw-diff-left-l81" >Line 81:</td>
<td colspan="2" class="diff-lineno">Line 81:</td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>'''We British have a long history in such matters of state.'''</div></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>'''We British have a long history in such matters of state.'''</div></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'>−</td><td style="color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>===<del class="diffchange diffchange-inline">Endnotes</del>===</div></td><td class='diff-marker'>+</td><td style="color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>===<ins class="diffchange diffchange-inline">References</ins>===</div></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>#Scott D3.151, D6.312-328, D6.374-387,D6.388-392, D6.397-401 and in particular D6.402-405</div></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>#Scott D3.151, D6.312-328, D6.374-387,D6.388-392, D6.397-401 and in particular D6.402-405</div></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>#Variously jumping from 2nd to 3rd place with France. The USA is by far the largest weapons exporter in the world with well over 50% of global annual sales.</div></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>#Variously jumping from 2nd to 3rd place with France. The USA is by far the largest weapons exporter in the world with well over 50% of global annual sales.</div></td></tr>
</table>
Robin
https://wikispooks.com/w/index.php?title=Document:In_Defence_of_the_Indefensible&diff=83085&oldid=prev
Patrick Haseldine: More subjects
2016-04-02T16:58:47Z
<p>More subjects</p>
<table class="diff diff-contentalign-left" data-mw="interface">
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<td colspan="2" style="background-color: #fff; color: #222; text-align: center;">← Older revision</td>
<td colspan="2" style="background-color: #fff; color: #222; text-align: center;">Revision as of 16:58, 2 April 2016</td>
</tr><tr><td colspan="2" class="diff-lineno" id="mw-diff-left-l6" >Line 6:</td>
<td colspan="2" class="diff-lineno">Line 6:</td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>|collection=No</div></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>|collection=No</div></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>|authors=David Guyatt</div></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>|authors=David Guyatt</div></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'>−</td><td style="color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>|subjects=Arms-to-Iraq, Scott Report, Matrix Churchill</div></td><td class='diff-marker'>+</td><td style="color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>|subjects=Arms-to-Iraq, Scott Report, Matrix Churchill<ins class="diffchange diffchange-inline">, Allivane International</ins></div></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>|source_name=Deep Black Lies</div></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>|source_name=Deep Black Lies</div></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>|source_URL=http://www.deepblacklies.co.uk/</div></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>|source_URL=http://www.deepblacklies.co.uk/</div></td></tr>
<tr><td colspan="2" class="diff-lineno" id="mw-diff-left-l15" >Line 15:</td>
<td colspan="2" class="diff-lineno">Line 15:</td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>*[[Document:Armed and Dangerous]] - An article by Paul Foot</div></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>*[[Document:Armed and Dangerous]] - An article by Paul Foot</div></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>*[[Gerald James]]</div></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>*[[Gerald James]]</div></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'>−</td><td style="color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div><del style="font-weight: bold; text-decoration: none;">|subjects=Arms-to-Iraq</del></div></td><td colspan="2"> </td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>}}</div></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>}}</div></td></tr>
<tr><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>==In Defence of the Indefensible==</div></td><td class='diff-marker'> </td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #222; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>==In Defence of the Indefensible==</div></td></tr>
</table>
Patrick Haseldine
https://wikispooks.com/w/index.php?title=Document:In_Defence_of_the_Indefensible&diff=83084&oldid=prev
Patrick Haseldine: Wikifying
2016-04-02T16:56:35Z
<p>Wikifying</p>
<a href="https://wikispooks.com/w/index.php?title=Document:In_Defence_of_the_Indefensible&diff=83084&oldid=81367">Show changes</a>
Patrick Haseldine